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Knowing is conceived as the dynamic creation, mobilization, and permanent structuring of knowledge for and in practice. Knowledge and know-how are not reified but they are constantly being renewed. Knowledge is embedded in the context in which it occurs. In recent years, the concept of practice in organizational life has interested many researchers Bouty and Gomez, Gherardi et al. Practice and knowledge are composed of explicit and tacit elements.
The explicit part can be clearly explained and easily transmitted in words, actions, and explanations. The tacit part — partly hidden and constructed— is invisible, subjective, and not explainable. It is made of immaterial elements embedded in personal experiences, values, or beliefs McIver et al. Moreover, if authors such as Cook and Brown take the concept of knowing while keeping the distinction between tacit and explicit knowledge, Orlikowski , p.
Tacit knowledge may not be converted into explicit one, but rather to find a way of making tacit knowledge comprehensible. Strati , p. It resides in the visual, the auditory, the olfactory, the gustatory, the touchable and in the sensitive-aesthetic judgment and aesthetic knowledge.
He takes the sensorial dimensions to express judgments on aesthetics and to give importance to what is tacit and hidden. Practice is also inseparable from the know-how that creates it Orlikowski, It includes all the skills and capabilities that are required to complete a task, and it is a cognitive ability. It is possible to acquire this know-how through learning by doing or through a relationship between master and apprentice Slavich and Castellucci, On-the-job training, through observation and imitation, is usually the way to transmit craft knowledge.
However, the French haute cuisine is more than craft knowledge. It includes codes and explicit knowledge, close interactions among different professions to create the French gastronomic atmosphere, and references to the history and traditions of gastronomy i. The paper uncovers the mechanisms of know-how transfer by studying practices and on-the-job training and interactions.
It focuses on the transmission of French gastronomy in the restaurant-school of Institut Paul Bocuse of Shanghai. Nowadays, the idea that French chefs have a role to play in diffusing French haute cuisine worldwide is still very much alive, and gastronomy is considered in France as a cultural identity.
French gastronomy is much more than food, recipes, and techniques. It relates to its being an intangible cultural heritage i.
During the long and intensive process of apprenticeship, chefs transmit not only recipes and techniques, but also know- how, which is a mix of explicit, tacit, and embodied practices. It is the transmission of culinary arts, with their specific vocabulary and attitudes, and of the cultural identity and personal know-how of the chefs Svejenova, Apprentices base their behavior on that of their masters and peers by imitating attitudes and actions.
We also know that knowledge is partly codified in order to better understand chemical reactions, formation of taste, and etiquette. Methodology 2. Research design and setting Our empirical research setting is the French gastronomic restaurant-school of Institut Paul Bocuse of Shanghai, which provides an interesting practical vantage point from which to examine how to transmit French gastronomy — with its rites and presentation — in China.
Choosing a restaurant-school outside France highlights the traits of — and the cultural distance between — the interns from France and the Chinese students.
It allows us to identify what is transmitted not only in terms of gestures and methods, but also in terms of taste, visualization, and culture. They train their Chinese counterparts in French haute cuisine. Tasked with running the restaurant-school and managing the Chinese team, they have a level of responsibility that they would never have had at their age in France. It is an apprenticeship of six months. They are all — apart from the second training manager who joined the team in — former students of the Institut Paul Bocuse in France; this means they share a very strong corporate culture.
To study the transmission of know-how, we examined how interns shared their practices, using an inductive research design that allowed contextualization and rich descriptions Lee, The study uses a single case-study research design, which is well suited to its exploratory nature.
We sought to gain a rich understanding of the case from the French perspective, and to observe the interactions between the Chinese and French subjects over a long period of time; this allowed us to triangulate our sources.
After the interns left China, another team consisting of five other chefs — also interns came to the restaurant-school to complete the program. We obtained the agreement of the director of the restaurant-school in Shanghai to participate in its daily life; we had access to all the data available and we were invited to meetings.
The rich data that we collected came from interviews, reports, documents, informal discussions, photos, videos, non-participant observation, field notes, and a survey of Chinese students. We triangulated these data sources. A total of 48 semi-structured interviews was conducted between March and October in China and in France.
We focused on the representatives from France, as we wanted to understand how know-how was transmitted to the Chinese students. Three members of the executive team in Shanghai agreed to be interviewed twice and the director three times, while ten interns agreed to have a second interview three months after their return to France see Table 2.
The interviews ranged from 20 to minutes in length. In the findings section, we specify for each quotation the number of the interview; and the position, gender, and age of the interviewee.
All the interviews were recorded and transcribed. During the second set of interviews, we asked the interns to feed back on the mission and on whether they felt they had succeeded in transmitting their know-how. For the executive team, the first set of interviews was about their experience as managers, and about how the training program was applied by the students from France and China.
The second set looked more at an overall view of the training year. We then relied on other sources beyond our interviews in our analysis of what happened; these sources are discussed below. Observation plays a central role, as we develop our understanding of the tacit and explicit transmission of know-how from the interns from France to the Chinese students. We conducted two weeks of non-participant observation of daily activities within the restaurant and kitchen, one in June and the other in March During that time — on average 15 hours per day — we had the opportunity to observe different aspects of the restaurant and of kitchen life at various times of day.
During the observations, notes were taken and a more detailed commentary post-observation was written on the day of the visit. Data analysis To explain how know-how was transmitted, we used NVivo 10 to code and analyze our recordings and our various documents. This software is suitable for dividing data, as well as for dealing with emerging codes so that the results can be generated in an iterative manner.
We analyzed the qualitative data by traveling back and forth between the data and the emerging structure of theoretical arguments.
Our data analysis consisted of a series of four major steps, following internal-audit methodology Gioia, Corley, and Hamilton, Step 1: Creating provisional categories and first-order codes. We used our data to understand the way know-how was transmitted from the interns from France to the Chinese students. We started by undertaking an initial coding of the data. These data included phrases, terms, or descriptions given by participants, and seen and noted during the non-participant observation; they concern the transmission of know-how as well as the involvement of the interns in their tasks.
We obtained 59 nodes and created our first-order codes. During this step, NVivo 10 facilitated the organization of all the codes that emerged from the data.
Step 2: Integrating first-order codes and creating theoretical categories. The second step of the analysis involved looking for codes across interviews, and nodes that could be grouped into higher-level nodes. As we consolidated categories, they became more theoretical and more abstract. It was at that stage that we moved from open to axial coding. Step 3: Creating second-order themes with first-order concepts. This step involved looking for links among first-order categories so that we could transform them into theoretical groups or second-order themes.
We moved iteratively between our first-order categories and the emerging outline Eisenhardt and Graebner, , and found seven theoretical groups. Table 3 contains first-order data from which we then developed second-order themes. Once theoretical categories had been created, we considered dimensions underlying these groups in an attempt to understand how different categories could link together to form a coherent picture.
Three dimensions appear here. The first dimension is the inscription mechanism. The interns from France established behaviors and attitudes of high-end professions in the bodies and routines of Chinese students through the processes of inscription and transmission. The second dimension is the belonging mechanism, which refers to professional membership. When the French know-how was transmitted to the Chinese students, the interns felt very strongly about their belonging to the community of French gastronomy, and referred to this; the executive team shared this feeling.
Table 4 displays our final data structure, showing the aggregate categories and second-order themes and the relationships among them verbatim in table 5. Findings When we combined the analysis of the interviews with our own observations of life in the restaurant-school, three main findings became apparent in relation to the transmission of know-how and practices. The first finding is the inscription mechanism. Indeed, in order to transmit their know-how, the interns from France engaged an inscription mechanism in the bodies and routines of the Chinese students.
This mechanism was the result of two processes — habituating and tasting. This was the result of three effects on the interns. The first effect was the reinforcement of their feeling of being part of the French haute-cuisine community once they realized that the Chinese students had neither a real knowledge of French cuisine nor the same tastes.
The distance between them and the Chinese apprentices stressed the commonalities among the interns and the executives. The second effect was the welcoming of the Chinese students to — or their inclusion within — the community. The third element was passion: The interns had gone to China in order to share the French passion for gastronomy, and they were ready to include the Chinese students in their culinary world. However, the transmission of French gastronomy could not be effective without the transcendental mechanism.
This mechanism was based on the quasi-spiritual dimension of the mission for the interns from France. They were proselytes, sharing the French gastronomy that was in embodied within them.
During the analysis of the first series of data, the concept of transcendence emerged and became increasingly strong. This was the basis of learning to execute gestures perfectly. It was the process of engraving something more deeply. The repetition of gestures, postures, and movements occurred through theoretical and practical courses.
The Chinese students participated in lessons and workshops where they were invited by the interns from France to learn new skills, preparing and tasting meals and wines. All these new things, as new tastes and codes, were inscribed in both the bodies and the routines of the Chinese students through habituation — i.
Chinese students were expected to perform gestures and actions perfectly, and to be able to repeat movements exactly. Habituation made gestures and movements an automation of the actions, revealing the assimilation of the professional behavior and know-how, and inscribing these in the routines and practices of the Chinese students. Gestures and attitudes were inscribed within the bodies of the learners.
During classes, knowledge was learned and shared. Chinese students took classes in French gastronomy, wine, cocktails, etc. Practices, situated cognition, and attitudes were shared during workshops. Habituating was a mechanism by which Chinese students were able to reproduce actions or behaviors automatically, without thinking about them. To achieve this, they worked side-by- side with interns from France and sometimes with members of the executive team, to learn the etiquette in a disciplined setting.
The organization of high-end restaurants is extremely hierarchical. Discipline is very important, because it constitutes the foundation of the apprenticeship, to inscribe gestures and attitudes in body and in behavior. Actions, repetition, notes, images, and photos are necessary to consolidate and integrate the whole process.
It was only with a lot of practice that the actions became automatic. Tasting meant that Chinese students experimented not only with the preparation process but also with tasting the food, experiencing what it was like to be customers — and so eventually learning how to appreciate French gastronomy.
The interns from France encouraged the Chinese students to develop their tastes. They could serve a glass of wine, but found it much more difficult to describe the kind of wine it was, especially when they did not like the taste. So in order to facilitate their task, the training manager told them stories about the wines. The Chinese students loved that, and were then able to talk about the different wines to customers.
For instance, they were unaccustomed to the French use of salt, mustard, and pepper in the same way as the French, and so it was complicated for them to evaluate whether or not a dish tasted good. What was particularly challenging for them was to know how much salt they needed to add. Because it is how we learn, it is how you will be able to recognize the good flavors, the ones that we want. The Chinese students had to learn and apply all the etiquette of the French gastronomic meal, with its rites and presentation.
All these steps involve codified actions that are important to reproduce exactly. This was facilitated by notes, images, and photos. At the beginning of their training period, they used these notebooks all the time. But by the end, this had changed markedly, in that the students more often used them for reference, to find a specific piece of information.
Sometimes, they also took photos. With a picture, it is possible to avoid confusing descriptions and to convey ideas clearly way. It is also a quick method of transferring information. They had also the opportunity to have a meal at Mr. Transmitting know-how and practices is based on the ability to reproduce actions, attitudes, and capabilities without thinking. Habituation and discipline lead to inscription in the body, so that the student can reproduce an exact gesture after training.
Tasting inscribes the tastes of French haute cuisine in the bodies of Chinese students, as they have to taste the dishes and recommend wines to accompany these. It is more than a professional community or a CoP: It is the entire community of actors in French gastronomy. The belonging mechanism is based on three sub- mechanisms: exposure to alterity, inclusion in a large community, and passion.
Exposure to alterity. The interns from France rapidly realized that the Chinese students had almost no knowledge of what French gastronomy was. They were part of the French gastronomic universe, and they invited the Chinese students to join this community. At the beginning of their training, Chinese students did not understand French gastronomy in the restaurant-school with its specific codes, the rituals associated with each meal, the setting of a lovely table, and the complementarity of different flavors.
Understanding had to be developed in the broadest sense — i. The other aspect that surprised the interns from France was the reaction of some Chinese students to food. For instance, they think that it is not healthy to consume rare prime rib in the evening, because it is too heavy to digest. In the face of these behaviors by the Chinese students, the interns from France — in order to fulfill their mission to transmit their know-how more effectively — reacted by reinforcing their own belonging to the French culinary culture.
Inclusion in a large and diverse community. As mentioned earlier, the whole cultural heritage is not only a set of professional behaviors, attitudes, and skills; it is also a complete world that includes restaurants, critics, books, professions, national and international competitions, hospitality rules, languages, codes, and traditions. The sense of belonging to a community occurred when the interns realized that they had to transmit to the Chinese students how to cook, serve, and behave in a French fine-dining environment.
This raised their awareness of their own culinary culture and its characteristics. They felt proud of their knowledge and honored to transmit it to the Chinese students. The French culinary culture and its know-how are so unique that sometimes it is impossible to translate its meanings. Once the interns had reaffirmed their membership to their profession and to the field of French haute cuisine, they then wanted to share this culinary world with the Chinese students.
The interns were like a family for the Chinese students. They were in the restaurant-school to accompany them, and to give them their time and advice. I have learned so much about the wine, the French food, and the service. Today, I can talk about French food; I can recommend a wine to accompany a dish. The French gastronomic community is more than a purely professional one, including a range of different professions as well as clients and suppliers.
The latter has a crucial role to play as it justifies the involvement of other members, such as critics and peer-to-peer platforms of recommendation. To share a spirit, a diversified community is required, with actors who are involved in different ways, to different levels of intensity.
For instance, Florent Boivin, a famous chef from the school in France was involved in order to highlight the restaurant-school of Shanghai. It was also an opportunity to connect with other members of the community e. He is from Institut Paul Bocuse in France. He is also quite a famous MOF. He came to prepare gastronomic meals for three days, and I alerted the journalists and websites, organized interviews, etc.
There is also a feeling within the French gastronomic community that all its members need each other in order to succeed: You cannot succeed if you are alone, and if you do not have good suppliers, good products, and good critics. Communication is important too. A restaurant cannot run itself. All members of the community play an important part in the story of French gastronomy. It is the same thing with the technicians, with the suppliers. The interns from France were part of this community: They were its junior representatives and were led by their passion and by the fact that transferring it reinforced their feeling of belonging to a specific community.
French gastronomy was their passion, and it was transcendental. It was just perfect! This passion for French haute cuisine meant that they viewed their internship as a mission. This type of comment also appeared several times in the survey of Chinese students.
The belonging mechanism refers to community identity. For the interns from France, their time in China reinforced first the feeling of belonging to the French haute-cuisine community, and then the desire to invite the Chinese students to share this. Transcendental mechanism The last mechanism is the transcendental mechanism.
Being paid during the internship was not what motivated them. Interns considered they had a mission. They had to share their passion and love for French gastronomy with their Chinese counterparts, and to serve the entire community. This was important for a good apprenticeship.
The interns knew that they were in China to explain and develop the appetite of the Chinese students who had had a very different culinary experience for French haute cuisine. The interns from France were in the restaurant-school to share their knowledge with the Chinese students. However, the task was not easy, and the interns from France encountered some complications, which sometimes made them doubt the majesty of French haute cuisine. Indeed, no service-related jobs are well- recognized or prestigious.
If a Chinese student left the restaurant-school to work outside the world of French gastronomy, the interns from France considered themselves to have failed. Their sense of guilt was very strong, as in the Catholic religion. Nevertheless, despite these moments of doubt, the faith of the French team remained strong. The interns from France were devoted to French gastronomy. During their internship, they worked long hours in the restaurant-school, they were not paid, and they represented French gastronomy.
They ran the restaurant-school as part of their own training and experience, reaffirming their belonging to the community, and sharing their faith. The rewards were mostly symbolic, and based on the promise of a brighter future.
It was not easy every day. With this experience, the interns from France expected to obtain good jobs in famous restaurants. They hoped that they would be recognized in the profession and by famous chefs; for this reason, they were willing to bide their time waiting for their reward.
French gastronomy is more than a set of practices. It includes faith in its greatness, and in its universality. The transcendental mechanism provides a superior dimension to create the feeling of belonging to the culinary community. Discussion Sharing French gastronomy as an intangible cultural heritage involves more than simply learning or transmitting knowledge. First, it relates to three interconnected mechanisms inscription, belonging, and transcendence to create the capability of offering a unique gastronomic experience.
Gastronomic communities lend meaning to what has been learned: to gestures and attitudes, and to atmospheres and tastes. They encompass organizational boundaries, as the trainees whether from France or from China were prepared to work in different organizations but in the same spirit.
Second, the community is sustained by a transcendental almost religious knowledge that describes how knowledge exists. Transcendental knowledge is different from knowledge; it is an essential part of the knowing process. Communities: The cornerstone of transmission mechanisms Being able to follow recipes does not make someone a good chef. There is much more to French gastronomy than a set of recipes; showing apprentices how to cook is not enough to transmit the spirit of French haute cuisine.
The transmission of practices of French haute cuisine is not a question of knowledge or tacitness McIver et al. Cooking and serving are professions learned mainly by imitation and repetition: The transmission of know-how and practices involves inscription of know-how in body and routines. Knowing as knowledge in action is not limited to repetition; it also involves renewal, creativity, and originality.
It requires a community to make sense of what is done, why it is done, and how to develop it while safeguarding its established spirit. The community is the locus in which the spirit of French gastronomy is shared, developed, and renewed.
This study identifies three mechanisms in the transmission of an intangible cultural heritage. It enables newcomers to learn practices and to acquire state-of-the-art techniques. They must not only perform their art, but also nourish it, to renew practices and experiences. When inscription alone is used to transmit know-how, apprentices may be able to perform gestures, but their movements are disconnected from the reason why they are doing so.
Repeating something parrot-fashion, without understanding what it means or what can be created through mobilizing this know-how, is tantamount to mumbling. Community and transcendental knowledge are necessary conditions for the transmission and renewal of French gastronomy. The aim of critics and guides is to shepherd amateurs and connoisseurs, and to support them in their discoveries.
Within the community, all actors have the same references, models, and ideas of what represents achievement. They share values, and this allows them to learn to enjoy new tastes, as has been the case with French nouvelle cuisine Rao et al. Experience in restaurants is only part of what the community shares; also included are websites, TV shows such as Top Chef , books, rankings in newspapers, and even catering.
But — to use another religious analogy — Holy Communion as the celebration of French gastronomy takes place in haute- cuisine restaurants where the servants of the community officiate. Gestures must be perfectly executed so as not to risk changing the taste of a sauce. The transcendental and belonging mechanisms go together hand-in-hand.
The belonging mechanism calls for a community in which practices, experiences, languages, and transcendence are shared. Transcendence takes different forms. They were representing the French haute- cuisine tradition abroad, and their task was to transmit this. Second, the community at large involves connoisseurs all around the world who share a superior value — that is, a superior vision of what French gastronomy is.
They are able to appreciate the refinement, time, and cost of the French gastronomic meal. The community is exclusive, with a connotation of luxury and uniqueness. Finally, intermediaries Boutinot, — e. French gastronomy is different from the scientific and technological fields, which have been under scrutiny Argote et al. Scientific and technological knowledge is presented as a mix of codified and tacit knowledge Nonaka et al.
Cultural and artistic goods navigate across the senses and material modalities Toraldo et al. Materiality as gestures must be inscribed in bodies, since food is served to consumers who are seated in a specific environment, and since all material dimensions must match food, wine, and service.
Spirituality in terms of sharing French gastronomy is seen as a mission, since — for connoisseurs — gastronomic restaurants offer a unique experience with a transcendental dimension, engendering faith and belief. Our analysis reveals that the three mechanisms inscription, belonging, and transcendence are necessary and sufficient conditions for transmitting knowledge, know-how, and practices, simultaneously involving both materiality and spirituality. What is knowledge? The notion of transcendence sheds new light on the initial question.
Philosophers have long debated the relationship between transcendence and knowledge. Here, we apply the traditional definition of transcendence — i.
At the same time, this method stresses the reliability of science and the inability to know what transcends observable phenomena, stating that it is possible simultaneously both to affirm the existence of an independent reality and to state that nothing can be said about it. The discussion about whether transcendence is knowledge partly answers the question of what knowledge is. Knowledge is thought within an accepted framework.
French gastronomy exists before we are able to experience it. As Kant emphasizes, the idea exists before the reality. This is a framework with which to define the concepts — and to describe these, the language, and even the taste of the meals.
Agreement on the framework is not a rational process: It comes from common beliefs, values, and attitudes to life. Kuhn analyses the move from one paradigm to another as a religion conversion.
The transmission of French gastronomy as an intangible cultural heritage assumes that a community simultaneously shares materiality and transcendence, both in what is done and in finding meaning in this for the whole community.
The dimension of transcendence is consistent with the vision of representatives of French gastronomy, who see their work as quasi-religious. Like the Jesuits who evangelized China during the 17th century, sharing the Catholic faith and its practices — i.
Writers and essayists have long drawn a comparison between haute-cuisine chefs and missionaries. Religion is not a matter of knowledge; it is a matter of belief. The same applies for transcendental knowledge — i. You can learn the history of — and experiment with — French gastronomy. However, the decision to consider it a relevant framework is not knowledge; it is more akin to a religious belief.
This belief must be shared with the community. The religiousness of French gastronomy extends also to the promise of future reward, rather than the existence of an actual reward in the present.
Because they believed in this promise, they were willing to accept a delayed reward. As soon as you decide to join the community of French gastronomy, you can assimilate its codes, values, practices, and knowledge. We argue that the community is where this a priori knowledge takes place.
Conclusion To be transferred, the world intangible heritage as self-guarding without freezing heritage requires repetition to inscribe the knowledge in body and routine , community to share the passion , and transcendence to share the cognitive frame.
The transmission of knowledge and know-how — defined using the taxonomic approach — reifies it, while knowing emphasizes the constant recreation of knowledge and know-how. To transmit ability, it is necessary to combine inscription and the ability to understand, question, and reframe knowledge and know-how within the same spirit. Community and transcendence are necessary conditions for understanding the transmission of knowing. The question about the nature of transcendental knowledge remains open: Is it knowledge — or is it a possibility condition for the existence of knowledge, as pointed out by Kant?
Their capacity to mechanism reproduce the gesture will be perfect! We want them to understand the meaning. It can be its associations of flavors, dressings — ultimately all the things that are a little bit more subtle, things that are learned with experience. They do not even choose to taste. Instead, they like to season by memory, because I made them taste by telling them how I want it to be. So we memorize this taste of salt, but at the moment it is not there yet.
For a customer, being able to hold a plate is not enough: There is a whole environment all around. So we were able to make it a discovery abroad; over the course of six months, we made them discover French gastronomy, we made them taste.
So it was necessary to teach them another type of meal. In fact, we were working at a level of excellence that was very high indeed. Enregistrer du texte sous la forme d'une image. Sauvegarder un document Word en image. Retrouver le ruban. Coller du texte sans formatage. Retirer les lignes vides.
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